National Security - the future of Warfare

“Future wars will be conducted in the “headspace” rather than the “battlespace”. Discuss.”




Over the last few centuries, warfare has evolved in leaps and bounds. Wars of attrition, wars of strategy and wars of non-state actors have all been prevalent throughout the last 150 years, each taking a distinctly different approach in the way they are conducted. War continues to be an essential part of the way groups, usually states, conduct themselves in the pursuit of policy. Today, we can see that it is equally essential to ensure not just the destruction of the enemy, but the protection and support of non-combatants. Warfare has reached past the point where it can be conducted on a single battlefield; the ideas, perceptions and opinions of those who are not directly involved in combat now have significant impact on the outcomes of war.

This essay will argue that war in the 21st century will continue to be fought as much, if not more, in the ‘headspace’ rather than the ‘battlespace’ and that this is due to the evolution of Fourth Generation Warfare .First, this essay will present the evolution of warfare over the last century and introduce the concept of fourth generation warfare. This essay will then show that trends set in the 20th century have paved the way for fourth generation warfare as the predominant form by using examples from the Chinese Revolution, the Malayan Emergency, and the Vietnam War. This essay will also show how this has translated into current conflicts such as coalition efforts in Afghanistan.

In 1989, William S. Lind led an article which would detail his definitions of the four distinct generations of warfare (Lind, Nightengale, Schmitt, Sutton, Wilson 1989). First generation warfare, according to Lind, developed at the invention of the smoothbore musket and the beginning of line and column tactics; they are well demonstrated in the Napoleonic wars. These tactics were used to maximise fire power and increase rates of fire. These wars climaxed at specific points and saw bloody and brutal battles with high casualty rates. Second generation warfare evolved out of barbed wire, machine guns and indirect fire. Characterised by the trench warfare of World War I, it is based on the attrition of the enemy force. This form of warfare was driven by technology and the use of linear advances of infantry after artillery bombardment. Third generation warfare became prominent after the German blitzkrieg in World War II and was based on manoeuvre rather than attrition. While technology played an important role, this warfare was based on ideas. It saw warfare surpass linear tactics and relied on the infiltration and collapse of the enemy in contrast to closing with and destroying them (Lind et al 1989).

Lind continues on to identify what he believes will characterise fourth generation warfare. He states that it is likely to be widely dispersed, non-linear and have largely undefined borders, the distinction between war and peace will become blurred and it may become impossible to separate civilians from military (Lind 1989). In a later article, Lind identifies that the shift to fourth generation warfare is predominantly due to the state losing its monopoly on war. This is shown by the emergence of many non-state actors such as Al Qaeda and the FARC (Lind 2004). In 1994, Thomas Hammes announced that the fourth generation of warfare as described by Lind et al has indeed evolved and is continuing to evolve and be used throughout the world. Arquilla and Ronfeldt (1996) argue that this generation of warfare is characterised by what they call ‘netwar’ and that conflicts will be increasingly fought by networks of associated combatants rather than the hierarchy of conventional military forces. They state that many groups may be leaderless and they have an ability to come together to attack and disperse afterwards quickly (Arquilla & Ronfeldt 2001). Martin Van Crevald (1991) shows that 1945 and 1991 were 160 armed conflicts, with one third of those being classified as low intensity conflicts. These are characterised by being predominately in developing nations, rarely involving regular armies, often being a conventional military force against a small guerrilla or terrorist force, and that most are low-technology wars. These factors are closely related to those which have characterised fourth generation warfare.

Through the descriptions of the four generations of warfare, it can be seen that first, second and third generation warfare were fought predominately through conventional force approaches, that is, the enemy is defeated by either physically destroying them or physically rendering them combat ineffective. Fourth Generation warfare is distinctly different because it begins to attack ideas. It brings the fight into the headspace by shaping public opinion, support and morale. Physical destruction is no longer necessary if support for the cause is lost. Here, the shift can be seen clearly towards warfare in the ‘headspace’ rather than the ‘battlespace’.
This essay will now show that this form of ‘headspace’ warfare has been developed over more than 80 years and now continues to be fought on contemporary battlefields as the predominant form of war. From as early as the 1920’s, Mao Tse-Tung was engaged in a series of wars which would see his forces ultimately defeat forces which were far superior in both numbers and training. The efforts of Mao ultimately led to his victory in 1949 and the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (Beckett 2001). During his time as an insurgent, Mao set out three phases to conduct a successful insurgency;

Phase one: Building political strength. Military action is limited to operations which foster support for the insurgency, such as propaganda and political assassinations.
Phase two: The insurgents gain control of base areas which they actively govern. Military operations are limited to the capture of arms and to harass enemy forces, no major military offensive is undertaken.
Phase three: Forces are committed to a regular, more conventional final offensive against the enemy. (Tse-Tung, 1938, Hammes, 2006)

Central to the first phase is the building of political strength and support among the population and the degradation of support for the enemy. The first phase is essentially designed to get the local populous on side. The second phase begins to directly attack enemy forces and wear down their morale by fighting in an inconsistent and unpredictable manner. Only when the local populous supports you and the enemy forces are tired of fighting can the third phase begin, which achieves ultimate defeat through a conventional military offensive. These three phases show Mao’s understanding of warfare in the ‘headspace’.

The events of the Malayan Emergency, which would see the British territory of Malaya against the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) commanded by Chin Peng, led to important development of warfare in the ‘headspace’, but this time it would be the counter-insurgency forces that would revolutionise warfare. Peng attempted to adopt Mao’s three phase tactic and used the traditional dictum of Lenin, believing that through terror they would corrode the government (Barber 1971, Nagl 2005). In support of the insurgents, Peng controlled a second army, the Min Yuen, or ‘Masses Movement’, which would form the auxiliary base of communist support (Barber 1971). These members were non-combatants and were essentially unidentifiable as communists; they were the suppliers, spies, saboteurs and couriers of the MCP.
To counter this, the administration undertook several sweeping and innovative policies which would aim to ensure the local population would remain firmly allied with the government. The most notable was a comprehensive resettlement plan, ‘the Briggs Plan’ which would see half a million Chinese immigrants living in large squatter communities resettled into new villages and provided with private land, business opportunities and constant security (Barber 1971, Nagl 2005). This policy achieved two things: Firstly, the squatters became land owners who were able to engage in a capitalist system thus shaping their ideological views, and secondly, it brought a large number of immigrants, usually illegal ones, into a productive, meaningful role in society, made them citizens and provided them with a strong reason to protect what they have and resist the communists (Barber1971). Additionally, by establishing these villages the government effectively realigned the communist’s main suppliers, the Min Yuen, and began denying the insurgents large quantities of food and supplies. In this example, it can be seen that by shaping the ideologies, motivations and priorities of large portions of the population, the government was able to deny the enemy their reasons for fighting as outlined in their propaganda.

The final example of the development of warfare in the ‘headspace’ that will be discussed is the Vietnam War. The efforts of Ho Chi Minh and his revolutionary forces solidify and confirm the appropriateness of warfare in the ‘headspace’. Ho followed closely the three phases of insurgency as set out by Mao (Hammes 2006). When the United States entered the theatre Ho endeavoured to develop intensely his political reputation on the political stage. Ho openly explained that he would wear down US resolve through national and international propaganda in combination with the physical wearing down of US combat elements.
Ho portrayed to left-leaning westerners, including those in the US, that the Viet Cong were ‘freedom fighters’ fighting against a corrupt regime, he played on the severe repercussions felt by Viet civilians through the destruction of their homes and lives. To those who leaned more to the political right Ho portrayed a different message, that the South Vietnam regime was allowing the American soldiers to fight and die for it whilst ensuring that key party members remained or became rich (Hammes 2006). Through these different messages, Ho was able to reach a comprehensive audience and US domestic support for the war was irreparably damaged (Thompson 1970). Ho understood that the key was controlling US political will, through this he was able to turn consistent defeat in the ‘battlespace’ to major victories in the ‘headspace’ which would eventually see US domestic support become eroded so far that Ho’s victory was assured (Hammes 2006).
It will now be seen that the development of warfare in the ‘headspace’ as demonstrated be the previous examples is now being used in current-day theatres such as in Afghanistan. Throughout 2007 and 2008 Sebastian Junger became an embedded reporter with a US infantry element in the Korengal Valley, Afghanistan. He describes the unit being contacted by insurgents on a daily bases and being involved in extremely dangerous operations, however he also describes large efforts of the US forces to attend and facilitate community meetings with village elders. Through these meetings Junger describes the development of trust between the two parties to the point where local Afghans happily approach US forward operating bases to discuss issues (Junger 2010, War 2010).

The events described by Junger are directly reflective of the US campaign for ‘hearts and minds’, or the use of soft power in order to undermine insurgents (Lennon 2003). Lennon states that we are waging a war of ideas by, for example, painting terrorism as an illegitimate tactic so that no government can support it and promoting the free flow of information between locals and coalition forces to help promote the idea of freedom. Enhancing education systems and basic infrastructure have been key to attempting to establish stability, this directly ties into warfare against insurgents in the ‘headspace’ by removing the need for locals to take up arms and fight. Empowering citizens and establishing a legitimate government and promoting governance capabilities are equally important has also been a key focus of coalition forces (Orr 2003). So it can be seen through theoretical and practical examples that the idea of warfare in the ‘headspace’ is being used in contemporary theatres such as Afghanistan.
To conclude, it can be seen that war in the 21st Century will continue to be fought as much, if not more, in the ‘headspace’ rather than the ‘battlespace’. This essay has explained the development of warfare and shown that the development of fourth generation warfare is critical to understanding warfare in the ‘headspace’. This essay has demonstrated that it has developed throughout the 20th Century and continues to be fought in contemporary theatres. The strategy was first developed by Mao Tse-Tung during the Chinese Revolution, and he outlined his three phase insurgency. In Malaya, ‘headspace’ strategy was used in an innovative way to combat communist insurgents by helping to shape the ideas and beliefs of citizens of Malaya. In Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh effectively used international and political opinions to ensure the degradation of US support and it eventually led their defence. It was then shown that these strategies continue to be used in contemporary theatres such as in Afghanistan through community development and ‘nation building’ tactics. Through these empirical examples, it has been shown that warfare has, is and will continue to be fought predominantly in the ‘headspace’ rather than the ‘battlespace’.




References
Arquilla, J & Ronfeldt, D 2001, Networks and Netwars: The future of terror, crime and militancy, RAND, Santa Monica, California.

Arquilla, J & Ronfeldy, D 1996, The Advent of Netwars, RAND, Santa Monica, California.

Barber, N 1971, War of the running dogs: How Malaya defeated the Communist Guerrillas 1948 – 1960, Cassell, London, UK.

Beckett, I 2001, Modern Insurgencies and Counter-Insurgencies: Guerillas and their opponents since 1750, Routledge, New York.

Hammes, T 1994, ‘The Evolution of War: The Fourth Generation’, Marine Corps Gazette, viewed 13/10/2011, http://www.dnipogo.org/fcs/hammes.htm

Hammes, T 2006, The Sling and the Stone, Zenith Press, USA.

Lind, W 2004, Understanding Fourth Generation War, viewed 13/10/2011, http://antiwar.com/lind/index.php

Junger, S 2010, War, Harper Collins, London, UK.

Lind, W, Nightengale, K, Schmitt, J, Sutton, J & Wilson, G 1989, ‘The Changing Face of War: Into the Fourth Generation’, Marine Corps Gazette, viewed 13/10/2011, http://www.dnipogo.org/fcs/4th_gen_war_gazette.htm

Lennon, A 2003, ‘Introduction’, in Lennon, A’s (ed.) The Battle for Hearts and Minds: Using soft power to undermine Terrorist networks, The Washington Quarterly, Washington, USA.

Nagl, J 2005, Learning to Eat Soup with a Knife, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, USA.
Orr, R 2003, ‘Governing when Chaos rules: Enhancing Governance and Participation’, in Lennon, A’s (ed.) The Battle for Hearts and Minds: Using soft power to undermine Terrorist networks, The Washington Quarterly, Washington, USA.
Thompson, R 1970, Revolutionary War in World Strategy 1945-1960, Secker & Warburn, London, UK.

Tse-Tung, M 1938, ‘On Protracted War’, in Tse-Tung, M 1961, Selected works of Mao Tse-Tung: vol. 1, Peking Publishing House, Peking, China.

Van Crevald, M 1991, The Transformation of War, The Free Press, New York.

War 2010, DVD, Sundance Film Festival, United States. Directed by Sebastian Junger & Tim Heatherington.

Word Limit: 2,500 Grade Awarded: High Distinction (88%) Markers Comments: Your paper discussing the increasing importance of the headspace in conflict demonstrated an excellent level of research, analysis and understanding. You used information to substantiate your position very well, referencing all relevant information well – this is a key element of all academic assessment and will stand you in good stead should you decide to continue your studies. Your paper was written with a high degree of logic and clarity, with an excellent structure. Great stuff.

Major social policy project - The NTER

Social Policy: Government, Wealth and Welfare

Lecturer/Tutor: Robin Tennant-Wood/Dennis Gizas

Assignment: Major Social Policy Research Project – The Northern Territory Emergency Response

Source article: http://www.sbs.com.au/news/article/1027847/what-is-the-northern-territory-intervention

Introduction

The Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER) was announced by the 2007 Howard Government as an effort to tackle child abuse in response to the ‘Little Children are Sacred’ report. The response aimed at protecting children, improving indigenous futures and making living conditions safer throughout communities in the Northern Territory. The NTER included direct intervention by Federal Police and Defence Force elements within the communities and enforced a number of regulations including the seizure of local community land held under the Native Title Act, the prohibition of alcohol and pornography and the quarantining of welfare payments. The NTER has attracted heavy domestic and international criticism from organisations such as the United Nations and Amnesty International, particularly for its suspension of the Racial Discrimination Act.

This project will discuss the NTER and look at elements including the policy development phase, the ideological perspectives in which it is based, the ideological values encouraged and discouraged, the ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ of the policy, and the outcomes it has had to this point. First, this project will introduce the NTER and outline its policy base and justification, the development and implementation phases will be discussed and the empirical outcomes to date will be presented. Second, this project will analyse these phases and outcomes and discuss its ideological background, the values which it represents, and the responses it has received. Finally, this project will present a range of suggested improvements and changes to the policy which should have been implemented both prior to and during the response.


The Policy

In 2006 The Board of Inquiry was created by the Northern Territory (NT) Government to research and report on allegations relating to the sexual abuse of Indigenous children. The inquiry was asked to look at the problem of sexual abuse within Indigenous communities and suggest a range of possible solutions. Co-chaired by the former NT Public Prosecutions senior lawyer and a subject expert who has worked with Indigenous communities for many years and is Indigenous herself, the study looked at how Indigenous children were being abused, particularly cases which where unreported, problems with the way the government responds and attempts to provide protection, how government agencies could work together more effectively, and how the government could better support Indigenous communities to help prevent child abuse. The result was the development of the ‘Little Children are Sacred’ report which presented 97 recommendations to the chief minister and highlighted the seriousness and prevalence of child sex abuse in Indigenous communities (Northern Territory Government [NTG] 2007).

The report recommendations highlighted several areas of particular importance. Education was found to be key in ensuring safe community and family environments, education provides opportunities and provides a way to overcome the social and economic problems which contribute to violence, and teachers can act as a support network external to family and community life. Alcohol was another key area which the report identifies stating that alcohol abuse is the “gravest and fastest growing threat to the safety of [Indigenous] children” (NTG 2007). The report recommended that urgent action must be taken to reduce alcohol consumption due to the strong association between alcohol abuse and violence and sexual abuse. It was also found that community services and police elements needed to work closer together and suggests the establishment of an Advice Hotline. But perhaps most importantly, the report recommends that the empowerment of indigenous communities is important, allowing indigenous persons to take control of their lives and make decisions about their future (NTG 2007). This is a key recommendation that will be discussed at a later stage of this project.

In response to the report, the Howard Government of 2007 announced the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER) which would attempt to establish a safer environment for indigenous communities, particularly in relation to preventing the sexual abuse of children, and try to build more secure futures throughout rural communities in the Northern Territory. However, the response has been criticized heavily for not including almost all of the recommendations made by the ‘Little Children are Sacred’ report (SBS 2009). The aims of the Response are stated as to “protect children and make communities safe” and “create a better future for Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory” (Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs [FaHCSIA] 2009a). The response has included more than 55 Government Business Managers living in communities to coordinate the policy on the ground, an NTER Task force composed of experts in indigenous affairs, medical care, social policy, government, business and the law, and a support element of 600 Defence Force Personnel who have conducted Child Health Checks, provided logistical support, and helped build 18 new police stations (FaHCSIA 2009b).

The policy includes things such as the quarantining of welfare payments and income management, which ensure welfare payments are spent only on particular basic items at particular shops (FaHCSIA 2009b), ‘Work for the dole’ requires welfare recipients to actively seek out work or participate in work-related activities in order to receive income-support payments, Alcohol and pornographic material have been banned throughout a number of prescribed areas and heavy restrictions on such items are prevalent throughout the Northern Territory, The implementation of child health checks and the establishment of Safe Houses and the compulsory acquisition of lands under a 5 year lease in order to regulate the construction and demolition of buildings and the ownership and tenancy of buildings (FaHCSIA 2009b).

Details on how the NTER policy was initially developed are scarce which suggests that there was a lack of public consultation, particularly in the affected areas, and that the policy was developed and approved through entirely internal mechanisms. In Arnstein’s ladder of Citizen Participation (1969), the NTER falls under the category of ‘Informing’, a tokenist approach which does not seek input from affected citizens but rather seeks to inform them of the policy. In this approach, citizens have little or no ability to influence the policy as it generally occurs late in the policy development stage and has a ‘one-way’ flow of information. However, there has been a distinct policy cycle since implementation whereby improvements have been developed, acted upon and reviewed in an attempt to improve the response (FaHCSIA 2009c). In addition, an independent group of experts called the NTER Review Board published a report in 2008 reviewing the response and seeking to answer a range of questions including what is and is not working and how it can be improved (NTER Review 2008a)

The Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage reports are a series of regular reports commissioned by heads of government in order to track the progression of indigenous disadvantage and began in 2002. The most recent report, published in August 2011 found that in virtually all areas there are wide gaps between indigenous and non-indigenous Australians. Some have areas have improved, while others have not. The NTER’s key aim was to help protect children from, however the report has found that the substantiation rate of child abuse and neglect rose from 15 to 37 children per 1,000 between 1999-2000 and 2009-2010 (Productivity Commission 2011, p. 22) This could indicate two things; first that child abuse and neglect have indeed increased dramatically, or second that cases of abuse and neglect are being more widely reported to police. The FaHCSIA Monitoring Report 2007- 2008 found that there was little change in the number of domestic violence incidents reported but there was a large increase in the incidence of domestic violence related to alcohol (2008). These two reports show numerous other statistics that are consistent with the idea that indigenous disadvantage is not improving and the NTER has not been effective in many areas.

Analysis

The commissioning of the ‘Little Children are Sacred’ report was an important step in identifying indigenous disadvantage and the issue of child abuse and neglect throughout indigenous communities in the Northern Territory. This report signifies an integral stage in the development of social policy by using independent experts to explore, identify and advise on issues in indigenous communities. However, the recommendations of this report were effectively ignored by the developers of the NTER and as such inappropriate measures were taken which have proven to be ineffective. One of the most important recommendations made by the report was that indigenous people should be empowered and given the ability to make choices about their lives and futures. This recommendation was ignored outright and in fact acted against with the implementqation of income management.

The approach that was taken is inherently elitist and arrogant and reverts to the ideologies which founded the colonisation of Australia and the development of the White Australia policies. Jupp identifies that policy in Australia has a long tradition of being xenophobic, racist and insular and have always been heavily influenced by ideologies of imperialism and racism (2002). It is clear that efforts such as those under income management are evident of the ‘we know best’ mentality and a complete lack of faith in the ability of Indigenous people to make decisions for their own lives.

The development of the NTER was internal, rushed and not well thought out. One reason for this is that the NTER lacks well defined goals and timings. McClelland (2006) discusses the importance of effectiveness, how one achieves a set of goals, and efficiency, how cheaply one can meet those goals, when designing social policy. But the NTER lacks these fundamental goals and loosely states that it is designed to protect children, make communities safe, and create better futures for indigenous persons in the NT. By not setting targets and timings, policy actors, including those in implementation and those in the review stages, cannot establish clearly when the policy has met its aims. For this reason, the NTER was bound to be unsuccessful.

Additionally, the NTER was a policy failure because it failed to consult with the local indigenous people involved and it disregarded local indigenous cultures, laws and governance. In a letter addressed to the Australian People, a group of seven indigenous elders from six indigenous nations stated;

“As people in our own land, we are shocked by the failure of democratic process, of the failure to consult with us and of the total disregard for us as human beings. We demand the return of our rights, our freedom to live our traditional lives, support to develop our economic enterprises to develop jobs and to work towards a better future for all peoples.” (Kunoth-Monks, Gondarra, Nelson, Ungunmerr-Baumann, Mununggriritij, Gurruwiwi, Pascoe 2011)

This statement identifies clearly the dismay which the affected people feel and mentions directly the absence of any consultative period. In a report launched by former Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser, the ‘Will They Be Heard’ report (Nicholson, Behrendt, Vivian, Watson & Harris 2009) clearly illustrates the complete lack of meaningful consultation with the indigenous population. The report also points out that by treating the indigenous people so poorly, resistance to the NTER was inevitable and co-operation impossible. It quotes one elder as saying the intervention only compounds the feeling that they are second class citizens. In the NTER Review, the report also highlights that the people in which policies such as income management applied to were not consulted nor did they consent to it (NTER Review 2008b). This lack of consultation is a key point as to why the NTER was ineffective social policy.

The NTER was also implemented without due concern to historical events and background. The use of military personnel was widely irresponsible and insensitive considering the historical background regarding the colonisation of Australia. The use of military personnel creates an aggressive impression and was not well received by locals, one stating that they are “still reeling from the way the Federal government wheeled out, or dealt out, the intervention in a military fashion” (Nicholson et al 2009). This approach has been said to remind people of the political ideologies and approaches which were taken up until the 1970’s where children were taken by force from their families to missionary schools and where large portions of their lives were decided by non-indigenous government actors (Korff n.d). This is another reason why the NTER was an improper policy approach.

In order to make the NTER legal, the federal government was required to suspend the Racial Discrimination Act (1975). This led to heavy criticism from both domestic and international sources. Amnesty International has been one of those sources and have been particularly vocal about the suspension of the Act and state that even though the government claims it has been reinstated, there continues to be inadequate protection against racial discrimination and that the NTER contravenes international human rights law (2011). They also criticise successive governments on their inability to secure consent from the affected population and states that the blanket nature of the NTER is racially discriminatory. The United Nations released a number of reports which analyse and detail the NTER and they find that while the Government is correct in seeking to ensure the safety of Indigenous women and children and that the responsibility to do so is required under Australia’s human rights obligations, the NTER in its current form is in breach of Australian human rights obligations because of its racially discriminatory nature (United Nations 2010).

Positive steps

Despite this negative social policy, there are positive social policies dealing with indigenous disadvantage. These policies take on many of the recommendations of the ‘Little Children Are Sacred’ report and empower indigenous people. The Cape York Institute has implemented a wide range of innovative policies in the areas of welfare reform, education, housing, economic viability and alcohol management. The Cape York Welfare Reform Program, starting in 2006, sought a new approach which engaged directly with the community and consulted community leaders in a dialogue about social norms and payment reforms. The program works to foster social responsibility by outlining four obligations for welfare payments: school attendance, child safety from neglect and harm, nor committing drug or alcohol offences, abiding by tenancy agreements. The program also builds economic viability by promoting individual engagement in the economy. This is likely to take the form of providing full time support service jobs, and support for individuals looking at self-employment by offering mentoring and business support services (Cape York Institute n.d.). These programs have been so effective that almost all progression outlined in the Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage report (2011) mention explicitly the Cape York Welfare Reform Program and the work that is being done.

Empowerment Theory lays out a broad view of influencing collective and individual behaviour through the use of active participation in order to shape the socioenvironmental situation (Speer, Jackson & Peterson 2001). The tools being used by the Cape York Institute are effective because they work directly with community members and leaders, in line with Empowerment Theory, to develop the policies rather than enforcing them onto the community. The policies do not necessarily force people to be compliant but rather offer a wide and strong support networks for those who do wish to take control of their lives. Most importantly, the policy developers recognise that indigenous people are capable of making responsible decisions about their futures and they empower them to make such choices without force. This project finds that key to effective social policy is a community-centred approach which aims at empowering locals by giving them choices for their future rather than enforcing decided futures on them.

To conclude, the Northern Territory Emergency Response was a social policy that was rolled out in 2007 which aimed at protecting children, building safer communities, and providing futures for indigenous people in the Northern Territory. The response implemented a large suite of policies including income management, land acquisition, health checks and alcohol bans but required the suspension of the Racial Discrimination Act to do so. The response has drawn heavy criticism from organisations such as the United Nations and Amnesty International for the lack of consultation with indigenous people and racially discriminatory practices. Indigenous people who have been affected by the policy are vocal about the issue and see it as a reminder of past discriminatory policies which took forcibly took children to missionary schools. The key failure of the NTER was that it did not take into account enough of the recommendations from the ‘Little Children are Sacred’ report but there have been other initiatives such as the Cape York Welfare Reform programs which have taken fair healthier approaches by engaging with the community and allowing indigenous people to make choices for their future. Effective consultation and empowerment is key to a social policy of this nature and should have been a larger focus in the NTER rather than enforcing the current policies.

References

Amnesty International 2011, ‘The Northern Territory Intervention – where to now?’, viewed 13/10/2011, http://www.amnesty.org.au/news/comments/26031/

Arnstein, S 1969, ‘A Ladder of Citizen Participation’, Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 35, No. 4, pp. 216 – 224, viewed 11/10/2011, http://lithgow-schmidt.dk/sherry-arnstein/ladder-of-citizen-participation.pdf

Cape York Institute, n.d., Welfare Reform, viewed 12/10/2011, http://www.cyi.org.au/welfarereform.aspx

Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs 2009a, \ About the Northern Territory Emergency Response, viewed 5/10/2011, http://www.facs.gov.au/sa/indigenous/progserv/ntresponse/about_response/overview/Pages/about_nter.aspx

Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs 2009b, Northern Territory Emergency Response: About the Response, viewed 5/10/2011, http://www.facs.gov.au/sa/indigenous/progserv/ntresponse/Pages/default.aspx

Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs 2009c, Future Directions for the Northern Territory Emergency Response, viewed 11/10/2011, http://www.facs.gov.au/sa/indigenous/pubs/nter_reports/future_directions_discussion_paper/Pages/default.aspx

Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs 2008, Monitoring Report, viewed 11/10/2011, http://www.fahcsia.gov.au/sa/indigenous/pubs/nter_reports/documents/monitoring_report/monitoring_report_part1.pdf

Jupp, J 2002, From White Australia to Woomera: The Story of Australian immigration, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, United Kingdom.

Korff, J n.d., Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER)-“The Intervention”, viewed 12/10/2011, http://www.creativespirits.info/aboriginalculture/politics/northern-territory-intervention.html

Kunoth-Monks, R, Gondarra, D, Nelson, H, Ungunmerr-Baumann, M, Mununggriritij, D, Gurruwiwi, D & Pascoe, G 2011, To The People Of Australia, viewed 12/10/2011, http://www.creativespirits.info/downloads/Elders-statement-against-nt-intervention-07-02-2011.pdf

McClelland, A 2006, ‘Values, Concepts and Social Policy Design’, in McClelland A and Smyth P (eds), Social Policy in Australia: Understanding for Action, Oxford University Press, Victoria, Australia.

Northern Territory Government 2007, Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarle: “Little Children are Sacred”, viewed 5/10/2011, http://www.inquirysaac.nt.gov.au/pdf/bipacsa_final_report.pdf

Nicholson, A, Behrendt, L, Vivian, A, Watson, N & Harris, M 2009, Will They Be Heard, viewed 12/10/2011, http://www.concernedaustralians.com.au/media/Will-they-be-heard-report.pdf

NTER Review 2008a, Northern Territory Emergency Response Review, viewed 11/10/2011, http://www.nterreview.gov.au/index.htm

NTER Review 2008b, Northern Territory Emergency Response Review, viewed 11/10/2011, http://www.nterreview.gov.au/docs/report_nter_review/ch2.htm

Productivity Commission 2011, Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage: Key Indicators 2011, viewed 11/10/2011, http://www.pc.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0010/111610/key-indicators-2011-overview-booklet.pdf

Speer, P, Jackson, C, Peterson, N 2001, ‘The Relationship between Social Cohesion and Empowerment: Support and New Implications for Theory’, in Journal of Health, Education and Behaviour, vol. 28, no. 6, pp. 716 – 732.

United Nations 2011, ‘Observations on the Northern Territory Emergency Response in Australia’, viewed 13/10/2011, http://www.un.org.au/files/files/United%20Nations%20Special%20Rapporteur%20-%20Feb%202010.pdf

Word Limit: 3,000

Grade Awarded: Credit (26/35)

Markers Comments:

Social Inequality and Poverty

Been a while since I've updated these essays, so here are some from second year!

“Explain the relationship between structural inequality and poverty, providing an example of a social policy that has successfully addressed that link.”

Structural inequality and poverty are linked extensively, the prevalence of poverty demographics being personified by a specific group, be it by race, gender, religion or through a class system, is high and can be found throughout the world. This essay will explain and explore the relationship between structural inequality and poverty with specific reference to Indigenous Australians. First, this essay will offer a definition of structural inequality and poverty and present a brief outline of current theories and idea’s, showing that there is a wide range of understandings of these concepts. Second, this essay will further explore the relationship between structural inequality and poverty using specific examples of Australian Social policy against Indigenous Australians. Finally, this essay will provide an example of a successful social policy which is addressing this link within indigenous communities.

Firstly, there are divergences in the definitions of structural inequality, Rousseau discusses two types of inequality, natural inequality and ethical inequality (Hall 1973), Marx focuses on the severe structural inequalities of the class system in 19^thC Europe and argues that this inequality is firmly based on economic reasons (Elster 1985). Max Weber contends this argument and points towards a variety of factors including belief, family and culture (Schroeder 1992). Durkheim and Giddens will also give you their own ideas (Grabb 1984, Dingley 2008). The wide range of understandings means a clear definition must preclude any discussion of the topic. This essay will treat structural inequality as something which presents as a heavily rooted system of unequal living standards, treatment and income in a society on a long term or generational basis. Often it can arise from social or cultural factors such as demonstrated throughout Marx’s critique of the class system, but it can also be in the form of social marginalisation from factors such as geographic isolation, like those living in remote communities, or societal separation, like those living with disabilities.

Poverty has traditionally been used to describe persons who are lacking wealth relative to their needs (Saunders 2003). Jenkins and Micklewright (2007) remark that the common use of indices such as the Gini Coefficient to summarise poverty in terms of the proportion of population who are poor is an inadequate set of data to correctly measure poverty. Similarly, the World Bank defines poverty as when a person’s standard of living falls below the poverty line (World Bank 2011). However, there is an active community of theorists who are developing this understanding of poverty. Rufus Akindola (2009) states that this economic understanding misses a large portion of contributing factors such as vulnerability, physical and social isolation, insecurity, lack of self-respect, and powerlessness. The Human Development Report explains that while economic well being is certainly an important factor, education, healthcare and participation are also integral to poverty alleviation (UNDP 1997). This essay takes this wider understanding of poverty as including economic and social factors in its definition.

When dealing solely with income inequality in contrast to the Gini Coefficient, the correlation between structural inequality and poverty is directly visible; it can be seen that as your income drops relative to societal norms (income inequality), you also approach or drop below the ‘poverty line’. But education is also key to understanding this relationship. Differences in education have major impacts on poverty levels and income inequalities. Additionally, inequalities in education help foster a range of other disparities, such as health, employment and the ability to perceive and take opportunities (Micklewright & Schnepf 2007). It therefore stands to reason that if inequalities in education foster inconsistency in employment, health and opportunity, poverty due to low income is going to be not just present, but cyclical. Noland and Whelan (2007) support this, highlighting the European Union’s adopted indicators to include education, health, unemployment and worklessness in addition to income inequality and poverty. They provide the definition that poverty is when a person’s resources are seriously below sufficient levels that they become excluded from ordinary activities, customs and living patterns. This definition not only shows the link between poverty and structural inequality but includes social exclusion as a central determinant.

Australia, specifically the treatment of the Indigenous people since British colonisation, is a particular case which will now be discussed. Engerman and Sokoloff (2006) argue that the extreme initial inequality throughout the colonies of Europe led to the innate structuralisation of inequality built into institutions as they evolved. He shows that those colonisers who suffered from rampant inequality in their home nation passed this on to their colonies. This inequality in turn became institutionalised leading to long-term structural inequality issues as evident in the former colonies of South and Central America. In contrast, those colonies that were established at a later time when a colonisers domestic inequality was less of a factor, such as those in North America and Australia, have grown tremendously and have quite developed social and economic societies. However that is not to say inequality in these societies is nonexistent. This is particularly demonstrated in Australia through the Indigenous population.

Throughout Australian history, inequality has been institutionalised, socialised and legitimised. It was not until the 1960’s that the Indigenous Peoples of Australia began gaining formal rights and equalities (Chesterman 2005). The policies for Indigenous assimilation from the 1930’s to the 1960’s legitimised efforts to ‘breed out’ and remove Indigenous people and culture from Australia. Perhaps one of these policies which has had some of the greatest repercussions is what is known as the ‘Stolen Generation’. During this time, indigenous children were forcibly removed from their families and placed in the care of white families or organisations with the goal of ‘civilizing’ them (Briskman 2003). Officially, this policy had ceased by the 1970’s but the generational inequalities it has contributed continue today.

Due to the destruction of their cultural ties, many of these indigenous persons speak of feeling like they do not belong to either the Indigenous community or the non-indigenous community, they have become socially outcast (Healey 1998). The implications of this are easily found; in2006, literacy and numeracy levels were significantly lower, with as few as 21.7% being over the minimum standard in some areas (relative to year level), and only 45.3% of indigenous Australians attained a Year 12 certificate (compared to 86.3% of non-indigenous) (Department of Families, Housing, Community Services, and Indigenous Affairs 2006). Indigenous policy is particularly difficult due to changes in the way the Government deals with indigenous affairs, structural barriers, and a general misunderstanding of indigenous communities and culture (Brady 2007). These inequalities highlight the inherent marginalisation of indigenous persons, and thus the immersion of a large of proportion of indigenous persons into poverty.

However, there are indigenous social policies making ground in the area, and whilst it is too early to declare them 'successful', they are certainly promoting positive outcomes. For example, the Cape York Welfare Reform Program(2006) addresses four areas: social responsibility, economic opportunity, housing and education. Steps are being taken to promote business, tenancy responsibilities and there are a large variety of steps being taken in education. The project embodies three phases: engaging with the community to recognise issues, development of a community led vision for the future and finally, seek formal support from the community. These phases recognise a key area which has been neglected by previous policies; It is a community centred project, engaged and developed with community members allowing them to recognise the issues, understand them, and then work together to combat them (Cape York Institute 2007). This approach aims directly at removing the social stratification of indigenous peoples, a factor which has been identified as a key determinant in structural inequality.

At this point, there have already been noticeable improvements in education, alcohol abuse and housing arrangements. The Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage Report (2011) from the Productivity Commission notes that retention rates throughout secondary school have increased from 32% to 47% and year 12 attainment rates have increased by 20% Australia wide between 2001 and 2006. The report specifically notes the Cape York Institute's efforts in providing indigenous children with access to Queensland's most academically successful boarding schools. In post-secondary education, the report notes that the proportion of indigenous 20 - 64 year olds working towards higher education increased from 26% to 34% and higher education success rates increased from 65% to 70%. The report particularly notes the Cape York Institute again for its Higher Expectations Program - Tertiary (HEPT) for its efforts in targeting talented indigenous individuals and provides them with long-term support to undertake further studies. In regards to income, the report commends the Cape York Family Income Management project designed to build financial literacy, improve living standards and stabilise family functioning in a culturally sensitive way. Finally, while the report marks no significant improvement on alcohol related issues, it does note specifically that the Alcohol Management Plans in Cape York have led to reductions in the number of people seeking treatment for alcohol related injuries, alcohol related violence and anti-social behaviour. Still very early days, however these improvements and commendations are encouraging and point towards a successful, community led indigenous social policy.

To conclude, there are a wide variety of understandings of structural inequality and poverty. But it is certainly clear that the two concepts relate and effect each other directly. It has been suggested that the traditional understanding of poverty as being directly related to income is a superficial understanding, and that education and societal values play a large roll also. It has also been seen that structural inequality and poverty are very present in Australia, particularly in Indigenous communities. There have been a wide range of social policies aimed at indigenous Australians, some largely negative, some positive, but a highly positive policy which is making ground in the area is the Cape York Welfare Reform Program. Through community led projects, the program has made progress in education, alcohol usage and housing arrangements. So clearly it can be seen that whilst it is a challenging area of social policy, there are programs being implemented making positive changes.

References

Akindola, R 2009, ‘Towards a Definition of Poverty: Poor People’s Perspectives and Implications for Poverty Reduction’, Journal of Developing Societies, vol. 25, no. 2, pp. 121-150.

Brady, M 2007, ‘Equality and difference: persisting historical themes in health and alcohol policies affecting Indigenous Australian’, Public Health Past and Present, Journal of Epidemiology Community Health 2007, vol. 61, pp. 759–763.

Briskman, L 2003, The Black Grapevine: Aboriginal Activism and the Stolen Generations, The Federation Press, Sydney, Australia.

Cape York Institute 2007, From Hand Out to Hand Up, Volume 2, Cape York Welfare Reform Project, viewed 15/09/2011, http://www.cyi.org.au/WEBSITE%20uploads/Welfare%20Reform%20Attachments/Cape%20York%20Welfare%20Reform%20Project%20-%20From%20Hand%20Out%20to%20Hand%20Up%20Volume%202.pdf

Cape York Institute 2007, Cape York, Queensland, viewed 15/09/2011, http://www.cyi.org.au/

Chesterman, J 2005, Civil Rights: how indigenous Australians won formal equality, University of Queensland Press, Queensland, Australia.

Department of Families, Housing, Community Services, and Indigenous Affairs 2006, Closing The Gap on Indigenous disadvantage: the challenge for Australia, Viewed 15/09/2011, http://www.fahcsia.gov.au/sa/indigenous/pubs/general/Documents/closing_the_gap/p2.htm

Dingley, J 2008, Nationalism, Social Theory and Durkheim, Palgrave MacMillan, New York, NY.

Engerman, S and Sokoloff, K 2006, ‘Colonialism, Inequality, and Long-Run Paths of Development’, in Banerjee, Abhijit Vinayak, Dilip Mookherjee, and Roland Bénabou, Understanding Poverty, Oxford Scholarship Online, http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/oso/private/content/economicsfinance/9780195305197/p060.html#acprof-9780195305197-chapter-3

Elster, J 1985, Making Sense of Marx; Part II: Theory of History, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK.

Grabb, E 1984, Social Inequalities: Classical and Contemporary Theorists, Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada, Toronto, Canada.

Hall, J.C 1973, Rousseau, The Macmillan Press, London, UK.

Healey, K 1998, Issues for the 90’s: The Stolen Generation, vol. 91, The Spinney Press, Balmain, Australia.

Jenkins, S and Micklewright, J 2007, ‘Inequality and Poverty: New Directions’, in Jenkins, S and Micklewiright, J (eds.) Inequality and Poverty re-examined, Oxford University Press, New York, NY.

Micklewright, J and Schnepf, S 2007, ‘Inequality of Learning in industrialized countries’, in Jenkins, S and Micklewiright, J (eds.) Inequality and Poverty re-examined, Oxford University Press, New York, NY.

Nolan, B and Whelan, C 2007, ‘On the multidimensionality of poverty and social exclusion’, in Jenkins, S and Micklewiright, J (eds.) Inequality and Poverty re-examined, Oxford University Press, New York, NY.

Productivity Commission 2011, Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage: Key Indicators 2011, viewed 15/09/2011 http://www.pc.gov.au/gsp/reports/indigenous/key-indicators-2011

Saunders, P 2003, ‘Can Social Exclusion Provide a New Framework for Measuring Poverty?’, The Social Policy Research Centre, no. 127, Social Policy Research Centre, Sydney, NSW.

Schroeder, R 1992, Max Weber and the Sociology of Culture, Sage Publications, London, UK.

United Nations Development Programme 1997, Human Development Report 1997: Human Development to Eradicate Poverty, UNDP, accessed 8/9/2011, http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr1997/

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